Since the early 1920s, the Tunisian mining basin has seen the first attempts at union organization with the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) unions. As early as 1924, Mohamed Ali El Hammi bet on the Gafsa mines because of their demographic weight and the role they could play in strengthening the position of the Confédération Tunisienne du Travail (CGTT) on the Tunisian trade union scene. After the foundation of the UGTT in 1946, the mining unions, under the leadership of Ahmed Tlili, played an important role in the armed struggle for the liberation of the country.

A historic commitment and ongoing mobilization

During the era of the national state in 1956, mining workers continued their struggle, taking part in major social conflicts such as the events of January 26, 1978 and the bread insurrection in January 1984. In 2008, a collective mobilization led by trade unionists marked a crucial social, economic and political milestone, serving as a precursor to the Tunisian revolution of 2011. This movement represented an initial crack in the authoritarian regime and contributed to the rise of freedom after 2011.

Sacrifices in the face of precarious conditions

Despite the national sacrifices of the mining working class, workers did not participate in sectoral strikes after the Tunisian revolution. They continued their extractive activity, even during the Covid-19 pandemic. However, after 2011, July 25, 2021 and October 6, 2024, the Tunisian miner remains mired in difficult conditions:

• Working in quarries with no health or environmental guarantees.
• Economic and psychological fragility.
• A legal status that perpetuates humiliation, with derisory allowances reminiscent of colonial times: a housing allowance of 25 dinars, an attendance allowance of 80 millimes and a milk allowance of 6 dinars, not to mention the absence of risk allowances.
• Reduction in the social role of the Compagnie des Phosphates de Gafsa (CPG), particularly since its integration into the structural adjustment program in 1986, accompanied by an increase in clientelism and favoritism.

A context of crisis

Against a backdrop of economic, social, environmental and health crises that have hit the mining villages, phosphate production has fallen from 8 million tonnes in 2010 to around 2.3 to 3.7 million tonnes between 2011 and 2022. Workers at the Gafsa mines (Redeyef, Om Larayes, Métlaoui and Moularès) staged a UGTT-led strike on December 25 and 26, 2024. This escalation came after a series of movements such as sit-ins, partial strikes and correspondence addressed to the supervisory authority, illustrating the inability of political power to resolve social and national problems. Instead, the government preferred populist speeches full of empty promises and devoid of coherent economic programs.

Official commitments without results

At a meeting of the National Security Council on April 26, 2023, overseen by President Kais Saied, it was stated that a series of studies had been carried out to diagnose the situation in the mining basin and that it was necessary to "restore the lustre of the mining basin". Visiting Redeyef on June 13, 2023, the President invited citizens to get involved in this historic moment, while meeting protesters at phosphate washing stations. However, despite these visits and this diagnosis, no tangible improvement has been observed.

Tensions and inequalities persist

Mining workers continue to suffer a sense of marginalization, fuelled by the disengagement of political power from its economic and social responsibilities. Agreements reached between the unions and CPG management in 2023 were cancelled, adding to workers' frustration. During negotiations in December 2024, trade unionists denounced the absence of concrete solutions, leading to the breakdown of discussions and the outbreak of a general strike.

A structural and historical crisis

Despite an official discourse insisting on social justice and sovereignty, the reality of the mining basin remains marked by :

• Extractive and neo-colonial economic practices that exploit resources while neglecting workers' dignity.
• Marginalization of local populations, reflecting racialized capitalism.
• A crisis that is not temporary but structural, exacerbated by improvised technocratic policies and right-wing populist rhetoric.

Outlook

The collective memory of the coalfield, rich in stories of struggle, fuels a dynamic of conflict that should intensify in the face of repression and the persistence of authoritarian practices. The solution lies not in empty promises, but in a structural transformation of economic and political models, respectful of the rights of workers and local communities.