The Tunisian government is currently trying to portray the legal proceedings against journalists as merely a continuation of old cases, some of which were opened more than ten years ago. By reopening cases dating back to different political eras, the authorities are seeking to create the impression that these cases are part of the normal functioning of the justice system and not the result of a political desire to control the media.
However, since July 25, 2021, the concentration of power in the hands of the executive branch, the erosion of judicial independence, the marginalization of regulatory authorities, and the gradual dismantling of checks and balances have profoundly transformed the nature of these prosecutions. A long-standing legal procedure can now be used as a tool to exert pressure on any critical voice.
Decree-Law No. 54 did not replace the existing enforcement tools. It was added to the Penal Code, the Telecommunications Code, anti-terrorism legislation, tax and financial offenses, and even previous defamation lawsuits.
A Crackdown That Is Spreading
For the National Union of Tunisian Journalists (SNJT) and human rights organizations, the goal is no longer simply to punish certain publications, but to create a constant legal threat intended to force journalists into self-censorship.
The convictions of Haythem El Mekki, Khaoula Boukrim, Mohamed Boughalleb, Zied El Heni, Mourad Zeghidi, Borhen Bsaïes, Sonia Dahmani, Hamza Belloumi, Insaf Boughediri, Hichem Snoussi, Chahd Haj Mbarek, and Khalifa Guesmi all point to the same trend: the increasing use of criminal law to punish journalistic work.
Some cases are particularly emblematic. The sentencing of Haythem El Mekki to one year in prison after an acquittal at the trial court level shows that reporting in the public interest can now lead to a prison sentence. The case of Khaoula Boukrim, founder of TuMedia, who was sentenced in absentia to four years in prison without having been properly notified of the proceedings, illustrates serious violations of the right to a fair trial. As for Sonia Dahmani, who was arrested at the Lawyers’ Association headquarters, she is facing several legal proceedings for her media statements, revealing a systematic use of Decree-Law No. 54 against critical voices.
The other cases confirm this pattern. Mohamed Boughalleb went from prison to forced precariousness; Mourad Zeghidi and Borhen Bsaïes face a series of prosecutions, including for tax offenses; Zied El Heni was convicted for publicly defending a colleague; Khalifa Guesmi for protecting his sources; Hamza Belloumi, Insaf Boughediri, and Hichem Snoussi were convicted in old cases that were reopened several years after the events occurred. Despite the diversity of the proceedings, they all form part of the same strategy: to use the threat of legal action as a deterrent against any form of independent expression.
From Controlling Journalists to Controlling Information
This policy goes far beyond individual prosecutions. It now targets the entire media ecosystem. Independent media outlets such as Nawaat and Inkyfada are facing administrative, judicial, and financial pressure, while several political talk shows have been taken off the air and public media are gradually being reduced to merely relaying official communications.
At the same time, some private broadcasters are contributing to the delegitimization of critical voices and the dissemination of the official narrative. This trend is gradually eroding media pluralism and transforming the media landscape into a space where dissent is becoming increasingly difficult.
This strategy has a particularly devastating effect: self-censorship. Faced with the unpredictability of legal action, journalists abandon certain investigations, limit their coverage of sensitive topics, and tone down their analyses. Legal threats thus become more effective than direct censorship. They not only prevent publication; they also lead to a halt in investigative reporting.
The decline is dramatic. According to Reporters Without Borders, Tunisia fell from 73rd place in 2021 to 137th out of 180 countries in 2026 in the World Press Freedom Index, illustrating the gradual erosion of safeguards for freedom of the press.
A Movement That Refuses to Remain Silent
In the face of this crackdown, the SNJT, the LTDH, Nafas, Al Bawsala, Intersection, Lawyers Without Borders, and numerous civil society organizations are continuing their efforts. They are documenting violations, supporting journalists facing prosecution, organizing solidarity campaigns, and calling for the repeal of Decree-Law No. 54 as well as an end to prison sentences in press-related cases.
This campaign is being supported internationally by Reporters Without Borders, the Committee to Protect Journalists, the International Federation of Journalists, ARTICLE 19, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, EuroMed Rights, the FIDH, and several United Nations mechanisms. All of these organizations condemn the criminalization of journalism, violations of the right to a fair trial, and the use of Decree-Law No. 54 to suppress forms of expression protected by international law.
Sharing information has become a criminal offense
The accumulation of these legal actions reveals a consistent strategy: the goal is no longer simply to punish a few journalists, but to permanently reshape Tunisia’s media landscape.
Reporting the news has become a criminal offense. Investigating can lead to a court case. Refusing to reveal a source, exposing malpractice within a public service, expressing a critical opinion, or simply defending a colleague can now result in prosecution.
Prison is no longer just a punishment; it has become a message to the entire profession.
By gradually criminalizing journalism, those in power are not only undermining press freedom. They are depriving society as a whole of its right to free, pluralistic, and independent information—an essential prerequisite for any form of democratic oversight. This is how an authoritarian regime takes hold: not only by directly censoring the media, but by making fear the chief editor of every newsroom.
